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    PM Netanyahu addresses Institute for National Security Studies
    29 May 2012
    [Translated from Hebrew]
    I would like to speak about the goals of peace, the manner in which to attain it, and above all, the conditions necessary to uphold it. A peace agreement with the Palestinians is necessary first and foremost to prevent a bi-national state. It is preferable to live in peace. Peace is better than any other situation, but we need to prevent a bi-national state, as well as strengthen the future of Israel as a Jewish and democratic country.

    We do not want to rule over the Palestinians, nor do we want the Palestinians to be citizens of the State of Israel. That is why three times - in my speech at Bar-Ilan, in my speech in the Knesset and later in my speech at the American Congress - I declared that I support and welcome peace between two nation-states - a demilitarized Palestinian state that recognizes the Jewish state, and Israel, the nation-state of the Jewish people.

    I believe there is very broad support among the people for such a peace agreement, one based on mutual respect and security for Israel. By security, I mean substantive security arrangements on the ground that provide a response to the ongoing threats and any new threats that are introduced.

    I believe that the unity government under my leadership is an expression of this broad support, and I call again on Mahmoud Abbas not to miss this unique opportunity and give peace a chance. Let me clarify - I have not set any conditions to enter into negotiations. Certainly I will have conditions to conclude negotiations, and so will Mahmoud Abbas. This is natural and it is the reason we conduct negotiations. But this is why I say to Abbas - don't miss out on this opportunity to extend your hand in peace. If I had to say it another way, I would say, "President Abbas, all we are saying is 'give peace a chance'."

    This is a real opportunity. It will not necessarily be repeated in general or political history, but it exists now and peace negotiations need two sides. One side is ready and willing. Peace between Israel and the Palestinians is in the clear interest of both peoples, but it must be said clearly that there are things that peace with the Palestinians will not bring. Despite popular opinion, peace with the Palestinians will not ensure regional peace. Tremendous historic forces are working in the area in opposition to regional peace, and they will continue to unsettle our environment. On a day to day basis, they work to destroy the State of Israel and they are interested in undermining any peace agreement - those that have been signed and those that we hope to sign in the future.

    These extremist forces are motivated by religious fanaticism and a fundamental objection to Western culture, of which Israel is a clear representative. So far we have been successful in overcoming these and other forces that have opposed our existence. We did so by maintaining our qualitative advantage. Today we face new challenges that obligate us to find new ways of maintaining this advantage. In order to have peace in situations of conflict, a balance of power or excess of power is needed. In our case with regard to the extremist religious fanaticism that is directed at us, we need an excess of power. We must safeguard our advantage in the fields that I will detail later.

    There are four threats that challenge the State of Israel today and threaten it and peace. We are prepared to provide a response for each and every one of them. The four threats are nuclear, missiles, cyber and vast weapons reserves that are being stockpiled in our region. There is also a fifth threat that I will discuss later.

    As to the nuclear issue, let me address the talks between the superpowers and Iran. Not only do the sanctions need to be harsher, the demands on Iran for which the sanctions are imposed must be strengthened and the powers must insist that Iran fulfill these demands in full. Iran must stop all enrichment of nuclear material; it must remove all materials enriched to date from its territory; and it must dismantle its underground nuclear enrichment plant at Qom. Only a specific Iranian commitment during negotiations to meet all three demands and a clear confirmation that they have been executed can stop Iran's nuclear plan. This should be the goal of the negotiations. But I must say regretfully that this is not what is asked of Iran today.

    To date, there have been several rounds of talks in which the Iranians were required to stop low levels of uranium enrichment, this is to say, to stop enrichment of 3.5%. Even though that is a low level, it is a significant part of the enrichment process needed to prepare fissile material for a bomb. Not only did the Iranians not do this, they continued enriching uranium without interruption and increased their level of enrichment to 20%, and as it has recently become apparent, even higher than that. In other words, they are constantly advancing their nuclear program to create atomic bombs.

    One would expect that the powers demand that Iran stop all enrichment in light of its serial violations and in light of the fact that they are currently enriching at a level of 20%, but instead they are reducing their demands. In the first round, they demanded that the Iranians stop the 3.5%, and even that is not happening now. In this round, they are not even insisting that the Iranians stop all enrichment. On the one hand, it is good that they are imposing heavy economic sanctions on Iran. This is a positive and important thing. We asked for it, and I must say with satisfaction that this pressure is being put on Iran. However, on the other hand, these sanctions must be accompanied by the demands I outlined. It is the combination of the two that will lead to the stopping of the Iranian nuclear program. It is very possible that the Iranians will temporarily stop their enrichment at 20%, but that is not enough. The test will be if the Irania! ns will agree to stop all enrichment, remove all enriched material and to dismantle their underground nuclear facility at Qom. This is the test and there is no other.

    Regarding the missile threat, from the moment our enemies understood they cannot beat us on the military battlefield, they turned to missile and rocket weapons that they use against our cities and communities. No other country is more threatened by missiles than the State of Israel, and no other country is as advanced in building a missile defense system as Israel.

    We employ two kinds of defense. In the field of active defense, we invested in the Iron Dome system and we are expanding its deployment. We appreciate America's important support in this regard. This is in addition to developing new systems - David's Sling and the Arrow missile system for multi-layered defense. With regard to passive defense, we installed sirens across the country and we are preparing a warning system that will directly dial the mobile phones of each and every citizen. There was a trial run of this in Netanya today, and it will not take long before we are able to warn people about the firing of missiles. This will allow us to prevent the entire country from becoming paralyzed and focus on the threatened area.

    These passive and active systems - but first and foremost active - not only improve defense, they improve our offensive and deterrence capabilities because they expand our maneuvering space for activating our offensive capabilities. We are not being dragged into unconsidered responses. We have more time, and I think that we use it with great consideration in choosing the appropriate action. The defense systems against the missile threat will be able to do what the separation fence against suicide bombers did. However, I would like to point out something that I say at every opportunity, and I will say it again today - defensive force is not enough. Offensive force is needed to strike at the enemy and deter further action. The combination of offensive and defensive force can prevent war or shorten it.

    The third field, the cyber field, also affects the first two threats. It is certainly wrapped up in the nuclear and missile problems. The cyber capability that we are developing increases the State of Israel's defensive capability. In the cyber field, a country's size has little meaning, but there is great meaning to its scientific power, and in that, Israel is blessed. We are investing a great deal of capital in this - human and fiscal capital alike - and I expect that these investments will grow in the coming years.

    It must be said also that all advanced, developed countries are currently under threat from cyber attack systems. Because we are one of the most computerized countries in the world, we are especially exposed to cyber attacks, and in order to improve our ability to defend ourselves, this year I established a national cyber headquarters. Like any other matter of importance, I set a goal: that Israel be one of the five leading countries in the cyber field worldwide. I believe we can achieve this goal.

    The nuclear, missile and cyber threats are new threats that we are preparing for, but unfortunately there is a fourth threat - an old threat, one that is familiar to the veterans here who served in the IDF and our defense establishment and that is the vast weapons stockpiles in the region. We cannot entirely rule out the possibility that weapons supplied today to other countries in the region will not be used against us in the future. We cannot rule out the possibility that extremist forces will take over regimes that today do not pose a threat to us and that these forces will not use the weapons found there against us. After all, this is not a theoretical matter. It has already happened - quite prominently in Iran - and it can also happen given the tremendous shock our region is experiencing, and it can certainly happen in other places.

    This is why maintaining Israel's qualitative advantage is a central component in our national security. It is an issue we discuss constantly with our allies and our friends in the United States, and we will continue to do so.

    That is how to deal with the fourth threat, but as I mentioned earlier, there is a fifth threat that can endanger the future of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state. This threat is the breaching of our borders by illegal infiltrators seeking work. At the beginning of this government's term, I already began to deal with this problem. As early as 2005 or 2006, people spoke about it.

    Shortly after we withdrew from Gaza, people said that a fence must be built. In 2009, when this government began its work, there was still no fence, not even the beginning of a fence. There was no budget for a fence and there was no agreement about the need for a fence. It was said that a fence would be ineffective, that it would not stop anyone, that it was too expensive, that it was superfluous. When I insisted, people said, "Well then, we'll build two sections." I insisted otherwise. People told me, "But it will cost two billion shekels." I said that we would allocate funds without breaching the budgetary framework as this was a matter of priority. And it is a national priority, because otherwise we will be swamped. We will have not tens of thousands, but rather hundreds of thousands of infiltrators, and our country is too small. Other countries lost control of their borders at costs that they still cannot fully assess, but we know that ! we cannot allow ourselves to do so.

    Therefore, less than a year after the government's establishment, we decided to erect the fence, allocate funds for it and complete its construction from Gaza to Eilat. This fence will be completed in several months of extraordinary work. I go down there every few months with my military secretary, Johanan Locker, who played an important role in expediting and pushing the system, but today, the systems is already pushing itself.

    My policy with regard to the illegal infiltrators seeking work is clear - first to stop their entry with the fence, while at the same time deporting the infiltrators who are in Israel. We will begin by deporting the South Sudanese infiltrators dependent on the court's approval, which I hope we will receive over the next several days. Later, we will continue with other groups.

    It is important to understand that international law makes deportation very difficult. It states that if one wants to return illegal infiltrators to their countries of origin, one needs the approval of the country. If one wants to return them or deport them to a third country, one must obtain the country's approval. In both cases, one must ensure that no harm comes to them; in other words, that the conditions in the country do not threaten their lives. In order to uphold this condition, we are in contact with many countries. It is not a matter that can be resolved overnight, but unlike what I read today, it is also not a problem with no solution and no action to be taken.

    It is true that if we had not decided to erect the fence two years ago, then we would not be dealing with 60,000 illegal infiltrators; within several years we would be dealing with 600,000 - the problem would be magnified by a factor of ten. So first of all, we are stopping them, and although it is difficult and it is not a problem that can be solved overnight, we can deport them and we will. Just as we solved other problems, we will solve this problem methodically and responsibly, in accordance with international agreements.

    I am aware of the distress suffered by the residents of South Tel Aviv and Eilat. I visited them and spoke with them, and with the residents of Arad and of other communities and cities in Israel suffering from this problem. However, I reiterate my call to public figures and to the residents to show restraint and act responsibly. We are a moral people and we will act accordingly. We denounce violence; we denounce invective; we respect human rights. Refugees have rights and we respect them.

    People who do not have the right to be here still have certain rights, and we respect those too, but we will deport them according to the law, responsibly. We will not lose our humanity and we will not deprive anyone of their humanity. However, at the same time, we will not accept a reality in which infiltrators from an entire continent come here en masse to work. We are committed to defending our borders in order to defend the future of the State of Israel as a Jewish and democratic country.

    Ladies and Gentlemen,

    There are people who, when they hear about these threats that I outlined, do not think that we should devote most of our efforts to thwarting them. They think that we do not have to concentrate so much effort against a nuclear Iran, or against the missile threat or the cyber threat or the breach of our borders. They claim that if we just sign a peace agreement with the Palestinians, everything will fall into place and that somehow things will work out. I do not share this opinion.

    Once people told us that if we only solved the Syria problem everything would work out, do you remember that? That same Syria is currently slaughtering its people with horrible brutality, with, of course, the assistance of Iran and Hizbullah - real assistance, not just political support: assistance in murder. Well, I do not share that opinion. We do not share that opinion about Syria, but we do share the opinion that we need to act simultaneously against the threats, while at the same time trying to advance the peace process with the Palestinians. We strive for peace with our Palestinian neighbors at the same time that we are thwarting the threats against our security. These actions do not conflict. On the contrary, they are complementary.

    The great American historian and gifted author Will Durant expressed my approach to ensuring our existence well. In 1968, towards the end of his life he wrote a small book of 100 pages, which he called, The Lessons in History. In it, he wrote, "These faiths and Christianity assured their followers that the good spirit would win in the end, but of this consummation history offers no guarantee. Nature and history do not agree with our conceptions of good or bad; they define good as that which survives, and bad as that which goes under; and the universe has no prejudice." Later on, he writes, "In the present inadequacy of international law and sentiment a nation must be ready at any moment to defend itself and when its essential interests are involved it must be allowed to use any means it considers essential to its survival." He wrote this in 1968.

    My friends, I thank you for this opportunity to present you the principles that guide me in ensuring the existence and future of the State of Israel in security and peace.

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    Gaza flotilla: Statement by PM Netanyahu 

    This regrettable incident was the result of an intentional provocation of forces which support Iran and its terrorist enclave, Hamas, in the Gaza Strip.

    Last night a regrettable incident occurred, during which people were killed and others were injured. IDF soldiers who were compelled to defend their lives were also injured. This incident was the result of an intentional provocation of forces which support Iran and its terrorist enclave, Hamas, in the Gaza Strip. This enclave, Hamas, has fired thousands of missiles at the State of Israel, and it is amassing thousands more.

    This is a clear case of self-defense. Israel cannot allow the free flow of weapons, of and rockets and missiles to the terrorist base of Hamas in Gaza. It's a terrorist base supported by Iran; it's already fired thousands of rockets at Israeli cities; it seeks to smuggle in thousands of more, and this is why Israel must inspect the goods that come into Gaza. It's also a clear cut of self-defense because as our soldiers were inspecting these ships, they were attacked - they were almost lynched. They were attacked with clubs, with knives, perhaps with live gunfire, and they had to defend themselves - they were going to be killed. Israel would not allow its soldiers to be lynched and neither would any other self-respecting country.
     Our policy is simple. We say: any goods, any humanitarian aid to Gaza, can enter. What we want to prevent is their ability to bring in war materiel - missiles, rockets, the means for constructing casing for missiles and rockets. This has been our policy and yesterday we told the flotilla - which was not a simple, innocent flotilla - to bring their goods into Ashdod. We told them that we would examine their cargo and allow those goods that could not be used as weapons or shielding materials for Hamas into Gaza. 
     Five of the six ships accepted these terms without violence. Apparently, the sixth ship, the largest, which had on board hundreds of people, had a premeditated plan to harm IDF soldiers. When the first soldiers dropped down onto the deck of the ship, they were attacked by a violent mob and were compelled to defend their lives. That is when the unfortunate events took place.
     We have a simple policy, which will continue. That policy is: we have no argument or fight with the population of Gaza. We are interested in allowing them to continue their regular routines. We want to prevent any humanitarian crisis in Gaza, but we are fighting the Hamas organization, which threatens the citizens of Israel and fires missiles at Israeli cities. It is our duty to defend the citizens of Israel, protect Israel’s cities and ensure the security of the State of Israel - and we will continue to do so.
    Bron: MFA
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    What occurred on the Marmara under the extremist IHH organization, is not what took place in the five other ships in the flotilla. It was extreme violence from the first moment our soldiers boarded the ship, with prior preparation to attack the soldiers with metal and wooden poles, and knives.
     (Communicated by the IDF Spokesperson)
     A press conference was held Monday (May 31) following IDF actions Sunday evening with regards to the provocation aid flotilla to the Gaza Strip. The press conference included remarks by Minister of Defense Ehud Barak, Chief of the General Staff Lt. Gen. Gabi Ashkenazi and Israeli Naval Commander Maj. Eliezer Marom.
    “Tonight the IDF gained control over the flotilla which tried to enter the Gaza beaches and break the blockade. The cabinet, the Prime Minister and I instructed the IDF to take action. On one of the six ships, the protesters initiated violence. We express remorse for the injured activists, however, the full responsibility rests on the organizers of the flotilla and those participants who acted violently,” said the Minister of Defense.
    Barak added that “Israel appealed to the flotilla organizers prior to it sailing and also upon its approach to Gaza, in warning and inviting the flotilla to arrive to the Ashdod harbor, and offering to transfer the aid cargo to Gaza after having it undergo security examinations. All of these appeals - prior to the flotilla setting sail and afterwards - were refused. Upon boarding one of the ships, IDF soldiers were attacked by protesters and as a result some were seriously injured.   
    According to initial reports, ten protesters where killed and others were injured. In addition, Naval soldiers were injured, some from gunshots others from bladed weaponry and clubs. All the injured protesters along with IDF soldiers were evacuated to hospitals in Israel. We are currently assessing this ongoing situation.”
    The flotilla is a political provocation intended for the media
    “In Gaza there is no starvation and no humanitarian crisis. The area is governed by Hamas, a terror organization which constantly grows stronger with weapons and rockets - in order to harm Israel. Hamas is holding an Israeli solider captive with disregard for international diplomacy. Therefore Israel has the natural right to check anything entering Gaza. The flotilla is a political provocation intended for the media influenced by anti-Israel organizations. The IHH, which stands behind the flotilla, is a terror organization.”
    Barak continued: “Whatever disagreements may be, Israel will continue to act swiftly in order to protect its sovereignty, security, and rights to defend its citizens, in any place and any time, using any means necessary.  The responsibility for the situation in the Gaza Strip rests on the terrorist rule of Hamas. Releasing Gilad Shalit and ceasing terrorism are conditions for any change is the leading reality. Israel reaches out her hand for peace.”
    There was radical violence from the moment we arrived
    Chief of the General Staff, Lt. Gen. Gabi Ashkenazi said, “The actions took place in order to prevent unsupervised infiltration of people or cargo into the Gaza Strip. After all of our appeals during the night to the organizers of the flotilla failed, the Naval Corps was prepared for a takeover according to orders, in order to prevent the flotilla’s arrival. What occurred on the Marmara ship under possession of the extremist IHH organization, is not what took place in the five other ships in the flotilla. From what I saw during the night, there was no connection to a campaign or demonstration of peaceful workers or of humanitarian aid. It was extreme violence from the first moment our soldiers boarded the ship, with prior preparation to attack the soldiers with metal and wooden poles, and knives. At a certain point they began using live fire, and part of the time this was done with weapons stolen from the soldiers.” 
    “Beyond any doubt it is clear to me that this violence obligated our soldiers to use their weapons, as human lives were in danger. The soldiers acted in the way that the situation demanded. As a result of this action we know of around ten casualties. We are working to evacuate their bodies and identify them. There are also a number of injuries. The naval soldiers also suffered a number of injuries, which were evacuated like the rest of the injured people. Some of the soldiers were wounded seriously, some by stabbing and by fire. Our forces acted with sensitivity on one hand and with determination on the other.”
    “A force was organized for this mission and prepared for a protest, but the riot dispersal equipment was insufficient and from the moment their lives were in danger, they used their weapons. The ships are making their way to the Ashdod harbor and we will oversee the evacuation of people and cargo, and will check what we will then transfer to Gaza. This incident is almost over and we are assessing this continuing situation, including what is going on in the other locations, and we will be prepared in those locations as well. Unfortunately, it is clear to us that those on the ship chose to use confrontation in a difficult manner, and to use extreme violence, which brought about these results.  We will complete our investigations and if we learn additional details, we will share them with the public.”
    The soldiers used live fire in defense
    Naval Commander Maj. Eliezer Marom explained: “The Naval Corps was given a mission to stop the flotilla to Gaza. We prepared our forces in an organized manner, mentally, physically and operationally. In the weeks leading up to the flotilla, we warned the organizers. Last night, when they refused to change their port of destination to Ashdod and to let us transfer the humanitarian equipment, and decided to sail towards Gaza in order to break the maritime blockade, we departed to the water in order to carry out the mission, while warning the ships that they would not be able to enter Gaza, which is closed off.
    “We conveyed very clear messages to the ships, which were rejected with inappropriate behavior. Aboard the Marmara ship were about 600 activists who attacked IDF soldiers with firepower and other weapons, with unconventional violence. Once an imminent danger to life was seen, in order to defend themselves the soldiers had to operate their weapons, and in order to prevent the people from attacking, they tried to use riot dispersal means which they had been equipped with in order to prevent the passengers from harming them. After this was unsuccessful, and the soldiers’ lives were in danger, they had to use live ammunition to defend themselves.
    “The fighters demonstrated determination and courage and exhibited much restraint, and the result of casualties in the incident could have been much worse if the soldiers acted differently. In terms of injuries to our forces: one soldier sustained a severe head wound, two soldiers were injured by live fire, and one was stabbed with a knife. In all of the five other ships we did not use live fire and we succeeded in stopping and intercepting the ships.”
    Source: MFA
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    Behind the Headlines: The seizure of the Gaza flotilla

    Israeli naval personnel boarded a flotilla of six vessels attempting to violate the maritime blockage on Gaza. Militants onboard the Mavi Marmara attacked Israeli naval personnel with live fire and light weaponry including guns, knives and clubs 

    Overnight (30-31 May), Israeli naval personnel boarded a flotilla of six vessels attempting to violate the maritime blockage on Gaza. Militants onboard the Mavi Marmara attacked Israeli naval personnel with live fire and light weaponry including guns, knives and clubs. Numerous Israeli soldiers were injured as a result of the extremely violent ambush, two of them seriously while three are in moderate condition. The final number of militant fatalities has yet to be released, but initial reports place it at nine. Those vessels that reacted peacefully to the operation were escorted unharmed to Israel, as had happened with previous vessels that tried to violate the maritime blockade.
    Although this is still an ongoing event, several facts are already clear:
     The intent of the militants was violent, the methods they employed were violent, and unfortunately, the result was violent.
     The attack on the Israeli soldiers was premeditated. The weapons used had been prepared in advance. Huwaida Arraf, a flotilla organizer, foreshadowed the violence with her statement that: "They [the Israelis] are going to have to forcefully stop us." Bulent Yildirim, the leader of theIHH, one of the primary organizers of the flotilla, announced just prior to boarding: “We are going to resist and resistance will win." The militants whipped up the boarding crowd by chanting "Intifada, intifada, intifada!"
     It should be noted that the Turkish organizing group, IHH, has a radical anti-Western orientation. Alongside its legitimate humanitarian activities, it supports radical Islamic networks such as Hamas, and at least in the past has supported global jihad elements, such as al-Qaeda.
     Israel was justified under international law in acting against the flotilla. A state of armed conflict exists between Israel and the Hamas regime that controls Gaza. Hamas has launched 10,000 rockets against Israeli civilians. At present, it is engaged in smuggling arms and military supplies into Gaza, by land and sea, in order to fortify its positions and continue its attacks.
     Under international law, Israel has the right to protect the lives of its civilians from Hamas attacks. Consequently, it has undertaken measures to defend itself, including the imposition of a maritime blockade to curb Hamas rearmament. Israel cannot allow a sea-corridor to open to Gaza, a corridor which would allow weapons and terrorists to freely enter the Strip.
    The flotilla organizers made clear that their primary goal was to target the maritime blockage. Greta Berlin, a flotilla spokesperson, told AFT news-agency on 27 May that "this mission is not about delivering humanitarian supplies, it's about breaking Israel's siege." This fact is demonstrated not only by their words, but by their actions. Flotilla organizers turned down repeated Israeli offers to land the vessels in the Israeli port of Ashdod, and to transfer their aid through the existing land crossings, in accordance with established procedures.
     Moreover, while the organizers claim to have humanitarian concern for the residents of Gaza they did not have similar concerns for the fate of the abducted Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, and when asked, refused to make a public call to allow him to be visited in Gaza by the Red Cross.
     The organizers were aware that their actions were illegal. Under international maritime law, when a maritime blockade is in effect, no vessels - either civilian or enemy - can enter the blockaded area. In line with Israel's obligations under international law, the ships participating in the protest flotilla were warned time and again that a maritime blockade is in effect off the coast of Gaza.
     When it became clear that the protest flotilla intended to violate the blockade despite the repeated warnings, Israeli naval personnel boarded the vessels of the flotilla, and redirected them to Ashdod. Due to the desire to avoid casualties and operational needs, including the large number of vessels participating in the flotilla, it was necessary to undertake measures to enforce the blockade a certain distance from the area of the blockade.
     The soldiers who boarded the vessels did not carry arms openly, but were met with a violent ambush. Two soldiers were shot, one was stabbed and others were injured as they were set upon with clubs, knives, axes and heavy objects. They were in mortal danger and had to act accordingly in self-defense.
    In Ashdod, the flotilla's cargo will be off-loaded and the humanitarian items will be transferred overland to Gaza in accordance with standard operating procedures. The participants of the flotilla who need assistance are being treated in Israeli medical facilities. The rest will be subjected to immigration procedures applicable in cases of attempted illegal entry.
    Bron: MFA.
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    Mijnheer de President, Dames en Heren,
    Bijna 62 jaar geleden, erkende de Verenigde Naties het recht van de Joden, een 3.500 jaar oude volk, op een eigen staat in het land van hun voorouders. Vandaag sta ik hier als de Eerste-minister van Israël, de Joodse staat, en ik spreek tot u namens mijn land en mijn volk.
    De Verenigde Naties werden opgericht na de slachting van de Tweede Wereldoorlog en de verschrikkingen van de holocaust. Het werd belast om de herhaling van dergelijke verschrikkelijke gebeurtenissen te voorkomen. Niets heeft die centrale missie meer ondermijnd dan de systematische aanval op de waarheid. Gisteren stond de president van Iran op dit podium en spuwde zijn nieuwste antisemitische slogans. Slechts een paar dagen eerder, beweerde hij dat de holocaust een leugen is.
    Vorige maand ging ik naar een villa in een buitenwijk van Berlijn genaamd Wannsee. Daar, op 20 januari 1942, na een stevige maaltijd, hebben hoge nazi-functionarissen elkaar ontmoet en besloten zij hoe zij het Joodse volk zouden uitroeien. De gedetailleerde notulen van die vergadering zijn bewaard gebleven door de opeenvolgende Duitse regeringen. Hier is een kopie van deze notulen, waarin de nazi’s nauwkeurige instructies uitvaardigden over hoe de uitroeiing van de joden moest worden uitgevoerd. Is dit een leugen?
    Een dag voordien was ik in Wannsee, waar ik in Berlijn de oorspronkelijke bouwplannen voor het concentratiekamp van Auschwitz-Birkenau kreeg. Die plannen zijn ondertekend door Hitlers plaatsvervanger, Heinrich Himmler zelf. Hier is een kopie van die plannen van Auschwitz-Birkenau waar een miljoen Joden werden vermoord. Is dit ook een leugen?
    In juni van dit jaar bezocht president Obama het concentratiekamp van Buchenwald. Heeft President Obama dan hulde gebracht aan een leugen?
    En wat te denken van de Auschwitz-overlevenden wier armen nog steeds voorzien zijn van de getatoeëerde nummers die in hen gebrand werden door de nazi’s? Zijn die tatoeages een leugen? Een derde van alle joden zijn omgekomen in de vuurzee. Bijna elke joodse familie werd geraakt, waaronder mijn eigen familie. De grootouders van mijn vrouw, twee zussen en drie broers van haar vader, en alle tantes, ooms en neven werden allemaal vermoord door de nazi’s. Is dat ook een leugen?

    Gisteren sprak de man, die roept dat de holocaust een leugen is, van op dit podium. Aan degenen die weigerden om naar hier te komen en aan degenen die uit protest deze kamer verlieten, moet ik u prijzen. U stond op voor morele duidelijkheid en u bracht eer aan uw landen. Maar aan diegenen die deze holocaustontkenner een hoorzitting gaven, zeg ik u namens mijn volk, het Joodse volk en fatsoenlijke mensen van overal: Hebben jullie dan geen schaamtegevoel? Hebben jullie geen fatsoen?

    Amper zes decennia na de holocaust geeft u legitimiteit aan een man, die ontkent dat de moord op zes miljoen joden heeft plaatsgevonden en belooft de Joodse staat van de kaart te vegen. Wat een schande! Wat een aanfluiting van het Handvest van de Verenigde Naties! Misschien dat sommigen van u denken dat deze man en zijn verfoeilijke regime enkel de Joden bedreigen. U bent verkeerd. De geschiedenis heeft ons keer op keer geleerd dat het altijd eerst begint met aanvallen op de Joden en uiteindelijk eindigt met het verzwelgen van vele anderen.

    Dit Iraanse regime wordt aangewakkerd door een extreem fundamentalisme dat drie decennia geleden op het wereldtoneel uitbarstte na eeuwen van sluimeren. In de afgelopen dertig jaar raasde dit fanatisme als een storm over de wereldbol met een moorddadigheid en koudbloedige willekeur in de keuze van hun slachtoffers. Het slachtte harteloos moslims en christenen af, joden en hindoes, en vele anderen. Hoewel het uit verschillende uitlopers bestaat, streven de aanhangers van dit onverzoenlijke geloof ernaar om de mensheid terug naar de middeleeuwen te zenden.

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    Ministry of Foreign Affairs Director General Gal: Ladies and gentlemen of the press, good afternoon. This briefing is about the Goldstone Report. Later, the legal advisor will elaborate on the flaws of the report and also talk about the Israeli system of self-examination and self-investigation. Deputy Minister Danny Ayalon will touch on the political ramifications of this development. And I, with your permission, want to say a few words in general about the report.
    We believe that this intolerable report discredits the whole cause of human rights. It does a great injustice to the cause of fighting terrorism and does a lot of disservice to the noble cause of the United Nations as a whole.
    Our views regarding the Human Rights Council in Geneva, I think, are very clear and nothing new. But we strongly believe that this report rewarding terrorism brings the situation to a new level of hypocrisy with possible far-reaching consequences.
    You know, if somebody comes from outer space and lands in Geneva and goes through the minutes and the reports of the Human Rights Council, he will discover that of the nine special sessions devoted to specific countries by the Human Rights Council, five were dedicated to the State of Israel and four to the rest of the world, to the rest of the 191 countries on this globe. He will further discover, that guy from outer space, that the Council had devoted more than 25 resolutions to the State of Israel, more than all of the resolutions devoted to other countries put together.
    The Goldstone Mission was created as a result of a resolution passed in January 2009 by the Human Rights Council, and the State of Israel decided not to cooperate with this body for a variety of reasons. First and foremost, in the very mandate of the mission, the mandate already determines the outcome. It reads, and I quote, that the mission "Decides to dispatch an urgent, independent international fact-finding mission to investigate all violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law by the occupying Power, Israel, against the Palestinian people throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory, particularly in the occupied Gaza Strip, due to the current aggression."
    Indeed, Justice Goldstone announced that he was about to change the terms of reference, but that change was never legally endorsed and never legally binding. And the mandate remained as stated before.
    Furthermore, in a letter sent to Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel, Justice Goldstone asked for, and I quote, "access to Israel, the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, including East Jerusalem", and so on and so forth.
    Lees meer...
    Address by PM Netanyahu at Bar-Ilan University
    In my vision of peace, two peoples live freely, side-by-side, in amity and mutual respect. Each will have its own flag, its own national anthem, its own government.
     Address by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Begin-Sadat (BESA) Center for Strategic Studies, Bar-Ilan University.
    Honored guests, citizens of Israel.
    Peace has always been our people's most ardent desire. Our prophets gave the world the vision of peace, we greet one another with wishes of peace, and our prayers conclude with the word peace.
    We are gathered this evening in an institution named for two pioneers of peace, Menachem Begin and Anwar Sadat, and we share in their vision.
    Two and half months ago, I took the oath of office as the Prime Minister of Israel. I pledged to establish a national unity government - and I did. I believed and I still believe that unity was essential for us now more than ever as we face three immense challenges - the Iranian threat, the economic crisis, and the advancement of peace.
    The Iranian threat looms large before us, as was further demonstrated yesterday. The greatest danger confronting Israel, the Middle East, the entire world and human race, is the nexus between radical Islam and nuclear weapons. I discussed this issue with President Obama during my recent visit to Washington, and I will raise it again in my meetings next week with European leaders. For years, I have been working tirelessly to forge an international alliance to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons.
    Confronting a global economic crisis, the government acted swiftly to stabilize Israel's economy. We passed a two year budget in the government - and the Knesset will soon approve it.
    And the third challenge, so exceedingly important, is the advancement of peace. I also spoke about this with President Obama, and I fully support the idea of a regional peace that he is leading.
    I share the President's desire to bring about a new era of reconciliation in our region. To this end, I met with President Mubarak in Egypt, and King Abdullah in Jordan, to elicit the support of these leaders in expanding the circle of peace in our region. I turn to all Arab leaders tonight and I say: "Let us meet. Let us speak of peace and let us make peace." I am ready to meet with you at any time. I am willing to go to Damascus, to Riyadh, to Beirut, to any place- including Jerusalem.
    I call on the Arab countries to cooperate with the Palestinians and with us to advance an economic peace. An economic peace is not a substitute for a political peace, but an important element to achieving it. Together, we can undertake projects to overcome the scarcities of our region, like water desalination or to maximize its advantages, like developing solar energy, or laying gas and petroleum lines, and transportation links between Asia, Africa and Europe. 
    The economic success of the Gulf States has impressed us all and it has impressed me. I call on the talented entrepreneurs of the Arab world to come and invest here and to assist the Palestinians - and us - in spurring the economy. Together, we can develop industrial areas that will generate thousands of jobs and create tourist sites that will attract millions of visitors eager to walk in the footsteps of history - in Nazareth and in Bethlehem, around the walls of Jericho and the walls of Jerusalem, on the banks of the Sea of Galilee and the baptismal site of the Jordan. There is an enormous potential for archeological tourism, if we can only learn to cooperate and to develop it.
    I turn to you, our Palestinian neighbors, led by the Palestinian Authority, and I say: Let's begin negotiations immediately without preconditions.
    Israel is obligated by its international commitments and expects all parties to keep their commitments. We want to live with you in peace, as good neighbors. We want our children and your children to never again experience war: that parents, brothers and sisters will never again know the agony of losing loved ones in battle; that our children will be able to dream of a better future and realize that dream; and that together we will invest our energies in plowshares and pruning hooks, not swords and spears.
    I know the face of war. I have experienced battle. I lost close friends, I lost a brother. I have seen the pain of bereaved families. I do not want war. No one in Israel wants war.
    If we join hands and work together for peace, there is no limit to the development and prosperity we can achieve for our two peoples - in the economy, agriculture, trade, tourism and education - most importantly, in providing our youth a better world in which to live, a life full of tranquility, creativity, opportunity and hope.
    If the advantages of peace are so evident, we must ask ourselves why peace remains so remote, even as our hand remains outstretched to peace? Why has this conflict continued for more than sixty years?
    In order to bring an end to the conflict, we must give an honest and forthright answer to the question: What is the root of the conflict?
    In his speech to the first Zionist Conference in Basel, the founder of the Zionist movement, Theodore Herzl, said about the Jewish national home "This idea is so big that we must speak of it only in the simplest terms." Today, I will speak about the immense challenge of peace in the simplest words possible.
    Even as we look toward the horizon, we must be firmly connected to reality, to the truth. And the simple truth is that the root of the conflict was, and remains, the refusal to recognize the right of the Jewish people to a state of their own, in their historic homeland.  
    In 1947, when the United Nations proposed the partition plan of a Jewish state and an Arab state, the entire Arab world rejected the resolution. The Jewish community, by contrast, welcomed it by dancing and rejoicing. The Arabs rejected any Jewish state, in any borders.
    Those who think that the continued enmity toward Israel is a product of our presence in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, is confusing cause and consequence. The attacks against us began in the 1920s, escalated into a comprehensive attack in 1948 with the declaration of Israel's independence, continued with the fedayeen attacks in the 1950s, and climaxed in 1967, on the eve of the Six-Day War, in an attempt to tighten a noose around the neck of the State of Israel. All this occurred during the fifty years before a single Israeli soldier ever set foot in Judea and Samaria.
    Fortunately, Egypt and Jordan left this circle of enmity. The signing of peace treaties have brought about an end to their claims against Israel, an end to the conflict. But to our regret, this is not the case with the Palestinians. The closer we get to an agreement with them, the further they retreat and raise demands that are inconsistent with a true desire to end the conflict.  
    Many good people have told us that withdrawal from territories is the key to peace with the Palestinians. Well, we withdrew. But the fact is that every withdrawal was met with massive waves of terror, by suicide bombers and thousands of missiles.
    We tried to withdraw with an agreement and without an agreement. We tried a partial withdrawal and a full withdrawal. In 2000 and again last year, Israel proposed an almost total withdrawal in exchange for an end to the conflict, and twice our offers were rejected. We evacuated every last inch of the Gaza strip, we uprooted tens of settlements and evicted of Israelis from their homes, and in response, we received a hail of missiles on our cities, towns and children. 
    The claim that territorial withdrawals will bring peace with the Palestinians, or at least advance peace, has up till now not stood the test of reality. In addition to this, Hamas in the south, like Hizbullah in the north, repeatedly proclaims their commitment to "liberate" the Israeli cities of Ashkelon, Beersheba, Acre and Haifa. 
    Territorial withdrawals have not lessened the hatred, and to our regret, Palestinian moderates are not yet ready to say the simple words: Israel is the nation-state of the Jewish people, and it will stay that way.
    Achieving peace will require courage and candor from both sides, and not only from the Israeli side. The Palestinian leadership must arise and say: "Enough of this conflict. We recognize the right of the Jewish people to a state of their own in this land, and we are prepared to live beside you in true peace." 
    I am yearning for that moment, for when Palestinian leaders say those words to our people and to their people, then a path will be opened to resolving all the problems between our peoples, no matter how complex they may be. Therefore, a fundamental prerequisite for ending the conflict is a public, binding and unequivocal Palestinian recognition of Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people. To vest this declaration with practical meaning, there must also be a clear understanding that the Palestinian refugee problem will be resolved outside Israel's borders. For it is clear that any demand for resettling Palestinian refugees within Israel undermines Israel's continued existence as the state of the Jewish people.
    The Palestinian refugee problem must be solved, and it can be solved, as we ourselves proved in a similar situation. Tiny Israel successfully absorbed tens of thousands of Jewish refugees who left their homes and belongings in Arab countries. Therefore, justice and logic demand that the Palestinian refugee problem be solved outside Israel's borders.  On this point, there is a broad national consensus. I believe that with goodwill and international investment, this humanitarian problem can be permanently resolved. 
    So far I have spoken about the need for Palestinians to recognize our rights. In am moment, I will speak openly about our need to recognize their rights. But let me first say that the connection between the Jewish people and the Land of Israel has lasted for more than 3500 years. Judea and Samaria, the places where Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, David and Solomon, and Isaiah and Jeremiah lived, are not alien to us.  This is the land of our forefathers.
    The right of the Jewish people to a state in the land of Israel does not derive from the catastrophes that have plagued our people. True, for 2000 years the Jewish people suffered expulsions, pogroms, blood libels, and massacres which culminated in a Holocaust - a suffering which has no parallel in human history. There are those who say that if the Holocaust had not occurred, the state of Israel would never have been established.  But I say that if the state of Israel would have been established earlier, the Holocaust would not have occured. 
    This tragic history of powerlessness explains why the Jewish people need a sovereign power of self-defense. But our right to build our sovereign state here, in the land of Israel, arises from one simple fact: this is the homeland of the Jewish people, this is where our identity was forged.
    As Israel's first Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion proclaimed in Israel's Declaration of Independence: "The Jewish people arose in the land of Israel and it was here that its spiritual, religious and political character was shaped. Here they attained their sovereignty, and here they bequeathed to the world their national and cultural treasures, and the most eternal of books."
    But we must also tell the truth in its entirety: within this homeland lives a large Palestinian community. We do not want to rule over them, we do not want to govern their lives, we do not want to impose either our flag or our culture on them.
    In my vision of peace, in this small land of ours, two peoples live freely, side-by-side, in amity and mutual respect.  Each will have its own flag, its own national anthem, its own government. Neither will threaten the security or survival of the other. These two realities - our connection to the land of Israel, and the Palestinian population living within it - have created deep divisions in Israeli society. But the truth is that we have much more that unites us than divides us.
    I have come tonight to give expression to that unity, and to the principles of peace and security on which there is broad agreement within Israeli society. These are the principles that guide our policy. This policy must take into account the international situation that has recently developed. We must recognize this reality and at the same time stand firmly on those principles essential for Israel.
    I have already stressed the first principle - recognition. Palestinians must clearly and unambiguously recognize Israel as the state of the Jewish people. 
    The second principle is: demilitarization. The territory under Palestinian control must be demilitarized with ironclad security provisions for Israel. Without these two conditions, there is a real danger that an armed Palestinian state would emerge that would become another terrorist base against the Jewish state, such as the one in Gaza. We don't want Kassam rockets on Petach Tikva, Grad rockets on Tel Aviv, or missiles on Ben-Gurion airport. We want peace.
    In order to achieve peace, we must ensure that Palestinians will not be able to import missiles into their territory, to field an army, to close their airspace to us, or to make pacts with the likes of Hizbullah and Iran. On this point as well, there is wide consensus within Israel. It is impossible to expect us to agree in advance to the principle of a Palestinian state without assurances that this state will be demilitarized. On a matter so critical to the existence of Israel, we must first have our security needs addressed.
    Therefore, today we ask our friends in the international community, led by the United States, for what is critical to the security of Israel: Clear commitments that in a future peace agreement, the territory controlled by the Palestinians will be demilitarized: namely, without an army, without control of its airspace, and with effective security measures to prevent weapons smuggling into the territory - real monitoring, and not what occurs in Gaza today. And obviously, the Palestinians will not be able to forge military pacts. Without this, sooner or later, these territories will become another Hamastan. And that we cannot accept.
    I told President Obama when I was in Washington that if we could agree on the substance, then the terminology would not pose a problem. And here is the substance that I now state clearly:
    If we receive this guarantee regarding demilitirization and Israel's security needs, and if the Palestinians recognize Israel as the State of the Jewish people, then we will be ready in a future peace agreement to reach a solution where a demilitarized Palestinian state exists alongside the Jewish state. 
    Regarding the remaining important issues that will be discussed as part of the final settlement, my positions are known: Israel needs defensible borders, and Jerusalem must remain the united capital of Israel with continued religious freedom for all faiths. The territorial question will be discussed as part of the final peace agreement. In the meantime, we have no intention of building new settlements or of expropriating additional land for existing settlements.
    But there is a need to enable the residents to live normal lives, to allow mothers and fathers to raise their children like families elsewhere. The settlers are neither the enemies of the people nor the enemies of peace. Rather, they are an integral part of our people, a principled, pioneering and Zionist public.
    Unity among us is essential and will help us achieve reconciliation with our neighbors. That reconciliation must already begin by altering existing realities.  I believe that a strong Palestinian economy will strengthen peace. 
    If the Palestinians turn toward peace - in fighting terror, in strengthening governance and the rule of law, in educating their children for peace and in stopping incitement against Israel - we will do our part in making every effort to facilitate freedom of movement and access, and to enable them to develop their economy.  All of this will help us advance a peace treaty between us. 
    Above all else, the Palestinians must decide between the path of peace and the path of Hamas. The Palestinian Authority will have to establish the rule of law in Gaza and overcome Hamas.  Israel will not sit at the negotiating table with terrorists who seek their destruction. Hamas will not even allow the Red Cross to visit our kidnapped soldier Gilad Shalit, who has spent three years in captivity, cut off from his parents, his family and his people. We are committed to bringing him home, healthy and safe.
    With a Palestinian leadership committed to peace, with the active participation of the Arab world, and the support of the United States and the international community, there is no reason why we cannot achieve a breakthrough to peace. 
    Our people have already proven that we can do the impossible. Over the past 61 years, while constantly defending our existence, we have performed wonders.
    Our microchips are powering the world's computers. Our medicines are treating diseases once considered incurable. Our drip irrigation is bringing arid lands back to life across the globe. And Israeli scientists are expanding the boundaries of human knowledge. If only our neighbors would respond to our call - peace too will be in our reach.
    I call on the leaders of the Arab world and on the Palestinian leadership, let us continue together on the path of Menahem Begin and Anwar Sadat, Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein. Let us realize the vision of the prophet Isaiah, who in Jerusalem 2700 years ago said: "nations shall not lift up sword against nation, and they shall learn war no more."
    With God's help, we will know no more war. We will know peace
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    Fiction vs. Fact: Israel and the Situation in Gaza
    6 Common Fabrications
    Since Israel began “Operation Cast Lead” in Gaza Dec. 27 in an attempt to stop Iran-backed Hamas from its years-long campaign to kill and injure civilians in Israel , some have used the opportunity to spread misinformation about Israel ’s actions, intentions and the overall situation in Gaza . Following are examples of fabrications – refuted by factual accounts provided by international aid organizations, Arab leaders, and Palestinian journalists. "While there is real suffering in Gaza , it is important to sort fact from fiction and understand that Hamas is responsible for this sad situation," said Jennifer Laszlo Mizrahi, founder and president of The Israel Project. "The important thing now is to defeat terror so that there can be a two-state solution and lasting peace. Both sides need a better future."
    1) Fiction: There’s no food in Gaza and people are starving.
    News reports, including one produced by TV station
    France 2 on Dec. 29, showed a Gaza resident in a food store saying:
    “Apparently, there is nothing, as you can see. There are no natural products for the kids. There is no milk. There is nothing here.”
    Fact: Warehouses in Gaza are filled to capacity, according to international aid groups.
    In the same France 2 TV clip referenced above, upon closer inspection, shelves filled with food can be seen in the reflection of a refrigerated door in the store. To see clip: click on; click on “Lundi 29” – below the small screen; to the right of the new screen, click “Vie dans la bande de Gaza”
      The World Food Program informed Israel that it would cease shipment of food to Gaza because the warehouses there are at full capacity, with enough food to last two weeks.[2] During a one-day period alone – Dec. 31– Israel facilitated the transport of 29 truckloads of food, including 15 truckloads of flour, into Gaza.[3] And even as Hamas was firing rockets and mortars during Israel during the ceasefire, Israel facilitated the delivery of 2,500 tons (delivered on 93 trucks) of humanitarian aid, medical supplies and medication through the Kerem Shalom cargo terminal.[4] Since the beginning of the operation, about 6,500 tons of aid have been transferred into Gaza at the request of the international organizations, the Palestinian Authority and various governments. Preparations are underway to facilitate further shipments.[5]
    2) Fiction: Gaza has no medical and other aid supplies to help the injured.
    Fact: During the first 5 days alone of Operation Cast Lead, Israel has facilitated the delivery of 6,500 tons of aid – 179 truckoads -- into Gaza at the request of international organizations, the Palestinian Authority and various governments.The deliveries include basic food commodities, medication, medical supplies and blood units. Another 106 truckloads of humanitarian aid are expected to arrive in Gaza on Jan. 31.[6] [7] The crossings to Gaza are open for the transfer of humanitarian aid from all international organizations, in full cooperation with the Israeli authorities and without restriction.[8] In a one-day period – Dec. 31 – Israel enabled the transport of 9 truckloads of medicine and medical supplies, along with 10 ambulances, into Gaza.[9] 
    3) Fiction: Israel is refusing to allow injured Gazans into Israeli and Egyptian hospitals for treatment.
    Fact: Israel has allowed a number of Palestinians into Israel for medical treatment they couldn’t receive in Gaza .On Dec. 31, for example, 12 Palestinians accessed Israel for medical treatment in Israeli hospitals. Two of those evacuated were injured children; the remaining were chronically sick people, and their escorts, who were allowed into Israel for treatment not available in Gaza.[10] Further, Hamas – in an effort to exploit the suffering of innocent civilians - has refused to allow injured Palestinians to leave Gaza to go to Egypt for treatment.[11] Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Abu al-Gheit said earlier this week that Hamas was not allowing wounded Palestinians to cross the border into Egypt for treatment: “We are waiting for the wounded Palestinians to cross. They are not being allowed to cross.”Asked who was to blame, he referred to Gaza by saying, “Ask the party in control on the ground in Gaza.”[12]  
    4) Fiction:  Israel is purposely targeting civilians.
    Fact: While Israel goes out of its way to minimize civilian casualties, Hamas actually  places civilians in harm’s way and uses them as shields. Because Hamas is known to use civilian residences to hide their weapons, on Dec. 27, the Israeli military – before launching an attack on such storehouses - called thousands of civilians in Gaza on their cell phones and left Arabic-language messages urging them to leave homes being used for weapons storage.[13] On Dec. 30, a reformist Iranian newspaper published a statement by a student organization that criticized Hamas for risking civilian lives, including children, by hiding its forces in nurseries and hospitals. The Iranian Culture Ministry shut down the newspaper after it printed the statements.[14]  Israel has publicly stated time and again that it regrets the loss of any civilian life and considers each one a tragedy.  However, both Iran-backed Hamas and Iran-backed Hezbollah have a history of faking deaths and funerals. For example, in Spring 2002, Palestinians were filmed as they attempted to stage a fake funeral as part of a gross exaggeration of the number of people killed in Jenin. The film shows Palestinians wrapping, then carrying a ‘corpse’ on a funeral pier; the ‘corpse’ falls off several times and gets back on – including in front of a large and surprised crowd.[15] Click here for video of faked funeral. Although some reports say a quarter of the deaths during “Operation Cast Lead” have been civilians, Palestinian terrorists’ history of deceptions and false claims require reporters to work to verify such information. During Israel ’s defensive war against Hezbollah two years ago, the phenomenon was so common that it became known as “Hezbollywood.”[16] One of the best-known instanceswas when a man purporting to be a rescue worker at the site of a bombed village appeared in various photos in the international media, repeatedly displaying the same child’s dead body at different times – and in different poses – throughout the day. The man, identified as Salam Daher, wore a green helmet in all of the photos, earning himself the nickname “green helmet guy.” Daher was also found to have directed a camera shooting the scene.[17] For experts available to comment on these and similar deceptions, please contact:
    Richard Landes: e-mail:

    Philippe Karsenty: e-mail:
    5) Fiction: Israel has cut off electricity to Gaza .
    Fact: In the past, Hamas officials have committed deceptions such as pulling dark curtains in mid-day while holding a meeting to make it look as though they were being forced to work by candlelight– a sham exposed by journalists who showed that it was actually daylight outside at the time.[18] The ruse was carried out with the complicity of some Arab satellite TV stations. More recent such deceptions have come to light as recently as November 2008, when Palestinian Authority officials said Hamas staged new blackouts to try to get sympathy from the international community and provoke civilian violence against the Palestinian Authority and Israel.[19] Further, terrorists in Gaza have fired rockets at – and hit - the power station in the Israeli city of Ashkelon that provides Gaza the majority of its electricity.[20] The terrorists also have fired on Israeli workers at a depot that provides fuel to Gaza and a suicide bomber destroyed lines providing electricity from Israel into Gaza . [21]  
    "There's no shortage of fuel in the Gaza Strip and the Electricity Company is continuing to function normally," a PA official said in November. "Our people in the Gaza Strip have told us that the blackouts are all staged as part of the Hamas propaganda…There's enough fuel in the Gaza Strip,” he said. "Even when Israel reduces the fuel supplies, Hamas continues to smuggle tens of thousands of liters through the underground tunnels[22] 
    6) Fiction: Palestinian journalists are unbiased and show what’s ‘really’ happening in Gaza .Fact: Some Palestinian journalists are manipulating and exploiting unintended victims of the Israeli strikes.Said one Palestinian journalist, members of the Palestinian media are ‘directing’ civilians to cry and telling them what to say in interviews: "A mother of one of the martyrs stood by the door of the intensive care unit while crying... relatives and those around her were telling her what she should say to the television cameras: 'Say your son [before he died] prayed and went out.' Another tells her: 'Curse the Arab leaders'... The journalists [in the hospitals] are going overboard in their insensitivity and taking advantage of the [difficult] moments, with the explanation that they are showing this to the world. One cameraman told a mourning mother: 'Hit your face, cry, do some action.'" [23] 

    [1] “Vie dans la bande de Gaza France 2, Dec. 29,[to see clip: click on; click on “Lundi 29” – below the small screen; to the right of the new screen, click “Vie dans la bande de Gaza [2] “12 Palestinians from Gaza transferred to Israeli hospitals for assistance and 2500 tons of humanitarian aid transferred to Gaza Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Dec. 31, 2008 [3] “Presentation to Military Attaches,” Ministry of Defense, Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories, December 2008  [4] “12 Palestinians from Gaza transferred to Israeli hospitals for assistance and 2500 tons of humanitarian aid transferred to Gaza Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Dec. 31, 2008 [5] Ibid.  [6] Martin, Patrick, “Israel shoots down ceasefire proposal,”, Dec. 30, 2008,
    BNStory/International/home; “FACTBOX-Countries pledge aid to Palestinians in Gaza,” Reuters, Dec. 31, 2008,; “Israel increases humanitarian effort to the Gaza Strip,” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Dec. 30, 2008,
    Israel_increases_humanitarian_effort_Gaza_Strip_30-Dec-2008.htm[7] “FACTBOX-Countries pledge aid to Palestinians in Gaza,” Reuters, Dec. 31, 2008,; “Israel increases humanitarian effort to the Gaza Strip,” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Dec. 30, 2008,
    Israel_increases_humanitarian_effort_Gaza_Strip_30-Dec-2008.htm[8] "Humanitarian aid to Gaza following the 6-month calm," Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Jan. 1, 2009 ,[9] “Presentation to Military Attaches,” Ministry of Defense, Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories, December 2008 [10] “Israeli Humanitarian Aid to Gaza,” Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Dec. 31, 2008, Communicated by the Ministry of Defense - Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories [11] Shahine, Alaa, " Egypt : Hamas denying Gaza wounded treatment in Egypt ,“ Reuters, Dec. 28, 2008 , [12] Ibid.  [13] Barzak, Ibrahim and Teibel, Amy, “Israeli assault on Hamas kills more than 200,” Associated Press, Dec. 27, 2008 .[14] Al-Ayyam, Jan. 1, 2009 via Palestinian Media Watch: Gaza Update 8, Jan. 1, 2009, “Hamas hiding forces in nurseries and hospitals.”  [15] Lerner, Aaron, “ Israel screens fake Palestinian funeral for reporters,” Independent Media Review Analysis (IMRA), May 2, 2002, [16] Lyons, Andrew Ford, “Digitally Erasing a Massacre: Why Hezbollywood Was Born,” Counterpunch, Aug. 15, 2006 ,[17] Kalb, Marvin and Saivetz, Carol, “THE ISRAELI-HEZBOLLAH WAR OF 2006: The Media as a Weapon in Asymmetrical Conflict,” research paper prepared at the Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government, for presentation at the U.S.-Islamic World Forum in Doha, Qatar on Feb. 18, 2007,; "'Green Helmet Man' accused of staging pix," Fox News Channel, Aug. 15, 2006  [18] Soltis, Andy, “Hamas Dim Bulbs in Fake-Blackout Ruse The New York Post, Jan. 30, 2008 ,
    The Israel Project is an international non-profit organization devoted to educating the press and the public about Israel while promoting security, freedom and peace. The Israel Project provides journalists, leaders and opinion-makers accurate information about Israel . The Israel Project is not related to any government or government agency. 
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     Gaza is not starving & Sderot still bombed‏

    Shalom Everyone,

    Happy Hanukkah to all of you.
     The video selection of the week will bring you all around Israel, from the Galilee to Jerusalem, from Jerusalem to Sderot and… from Sderot to Gaza, to discover that the media talking about the starving of Gaza are again… wrong. And no comment about Sderot bombed everyday for years now.
    - Gaza is not starving; it was just another lie [click here]
     - Wonderful fly over Galilee [click here]
    - Jerusalem: 7 people, 7 stories [click here]
    - Jerusalem like you never saw it before (pure pleasure) [click here]
    - UN partition vote, November 1947 [click here]
    - Eight Nights of Hanukkah, as told by celebrities [click here]
    - Report from Sderot [click here]
     Waiting to see you on Road 90.
    The Road 90 Team.
     To register on Road 90 [click here]
     To advertise on Road 90 [click here]
    ROAD 90 LLC, 220 E. Delaware Avenue, #1027
    Newark, DE 19711, U.S.A.
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    Road 90 is the longest road in Israel, starting in the city of Metula in the north and going to Eilat, on the Red Sea, in the south. The purpose of this road is the same as this website: to travel, discover and share.

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    Shalom Everyone,

     As you will be able to see it in the videos below, this weekly selection is a bit different from the previous ones. All of us were shocked after the terrible attack in Mumbai, a catastrophe that resulted in the death of many Jews, once again. We invite you to think about the victims when lighting a candle next Friday evening.

     Check out this selection, a lot of interesting things about us, and don't worry, next week we come back with sun, sand and smiles :-)    
     - Answer to Terror at Chabad Mumbai, India [click here]
    - Israelsecret weapon (must see) [click here]
     - The Peace Valley Project [click here
    - Never Again [click here]
    - Eretz Israel [click here]
    - Deir Yassin Myth Debunked [click here]
     Waiting to see you on Road 90.
     The Road 90 Team.
     To register on Road 90 [click here]
     To advertise on Road 90 [click here]
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